Asean crossroads: Reimagining South-South cooperation and development in a multipolar world

A FEW weeks ago, I had the honor of speaking at an international conference in Phnom Penh hosted by the Royal Academy of Cambodia and organized by the International Relations Institute of Cambodia. The Fourth Phnom Penh Forum, held on Oct. 8, 2025, had for its theme “Multilateralism vs Unilateralism: Asean’s Strategic Autonomy and Policy Choices.”

I was invited to speak and share my insights on the sub-theme, “New South-South Cooperation and Regional Integration: Opportunities and Challenges for Asean under Brics and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).” In this piece, I would like to share the key highlights and reflections from my presentation, along with insights into how emerging South-South linkages and evolving regional frameworks could reshape Asean’s path toward strategic autonomy and inclusive development, and how Asean can navigate emerging multipolar realities while safeguarding its strategic autonomy and advancing its developmental aspirations.

A new era of multipolarity

The post-Cold War global order is undergoing a profound transformation. The unipolar dominance that characterized much of the late 20th century is yielding to a more diffuse, multipolar system defined by the rising weight of the Global South. Within this shifting architecture, new mechanisms of South-South cooperation — particularly the BRI and the expanded Brics+ grouping — have emerged as alternative engines of globalization, financing and governance.

For Asean, this evolving context presents both opportunities and challenges. The 10-member bloc is situated at the heart of the Indo-Pacific, where great-power rivalries increasingly intersect with the region’s aspirations for connectivity, resilience and growth. As Asean seeks to chart its course amid intensifying polarization, it faces a pivotal question: Can it move from being a passive participant to an active architect of a new, inclusive global order?

Rise of the Global South

Brics+ nations and their new members now account for roughly 36 percent of global GDP and over 45 percent of the world’s population. Together, they are reshaping the landscape of development finance through institutions like the New Development Bank (NDB) and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). These mechanisms offer an alternative to the conditional lending practices long associated with Bretton Woods institutions like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.

Meanwhile, China’s BRI, spanning more than 150 countries, has transformed infrastructure and connectivity across Asia, Latin America, Africa and Europe. From high-speed railways and digital corridors to energy grids and ports, the BRI represents a massive investment in cross-border linkages. It also redefines development partnerships by emphasizing mutual benefit and policy coordination rather than donor-recipient hierarchies.

Collectively, these initiatives embody a “multilateralism from the South,” a vision of globalization grounded in inclusiveness, equity, equal footing and shared growth. Yet as this multipolar order evolves, its architectural stability remains fragile, especially as strategic competition intensifies between major powers.

Asean’s strategic balancing act

At the center of this new geopolitical chessboard stands Asean. The bloc’s economic dynamism, combined with its strategic geography, makes it indispensable to both Washington and Beijing. However, Asean’s challenge is not simply to balance external pressures; it is to preserve its strategic autonomy, unity and centrality. Basically, it’s the capacity to make collective decisions independent of great-power coercion, rivalry and competition.

Asean’s unity is tested by differing national alignments. Some member states, such as the Philippines under a Marcos Jr. presidency, have deepened security ties with the United States; others, such as Cambodia and Laos, are more closely integrated into China-led development frameworks. Amid these divergences, Asean’s enduring strength lies in its centrality and its ability to serve as a convening hub. Likewise, to sustain its influence, Asean must avoid being reduced to a mere arena of power competition. Instead, it should use South-South frameworks such as Brics+, the BRI and others to enhance internal cohesion, expand policy space and reinforce its collective voice in development and global governance.

Brics+ and BRI: Global South pillars

The Brics+ and BRI frameworks — though distinct — share complementary objectives. The BRI focuses on large-scale infrastructure and connectivity, while Brics+ emphasizes financial reform and policy coordination among developing economies. For Asean, engagement with both platforms can unlock new possibilities for sustainable growth.

In Southeast Asia, tangible BRI outcomes are already visible. These include: the China-Laos Railway, which has turned landlocked Laos into a regional logistics hub; the Jakarta-Bandung High-Speed Rail, which marks Indonesia’s leap into next-generation transport; and the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation, which has strengthened subregional coordination in water management, agriculture and energy.

Brics+, through the NDB and AIIB, complements these physical linkages with financial pathways that better align with local priorities. Yet, challenges persist, ranging from debt sustainability and environmental concerns to transparency and equitable benefit-sharing. Asean’s frameworks, particularly the master plan on Asean Connectivity 2025 and the Asean Outlook on the Indo-Pacific, can serve as guiding templates to harmonize external projects with regional standards.

From dependence to interdependence

For much of its history, Asean’s growth was anchored in North-South relations, export-driven strategies tied to Western markets and aid. Today, the emergence of South-South networks offers a chance to redefine that model. The region can move from dependence on traditional donors to interdependence within a network of developing economies.

Three strategic pathways illustrate this transition. First, bridging the infrastructure gap.

Asean’s infrastructure deficit exceeds approximately $200 billion annually. By tapping the NDB, AIIB and BRI financing pools, Asean can accelerate connectivity projects that enhance physical, digital and energy linkages across borders. Second, accelerating digital transformation. Collaboration on the Digital Silk Road and 5G innovation corridors can drive financial inclusion, e-commerce and technological upskilling, which are key to narrowing the region’s digital divide. Third, advancing green and inclusive growth. The Asean Plan of Action for Energy Cooperation and regional climate frameworks can align with BRI-Brics initiatives on renewable energy and carbon neutrality, ensuring that growth does not come at the expense of sustainability. These steps require more than capital. They demand transparency, governance reforms and policy coherence across Asean institutions.

However, the promise of South-South cooperation and development is not without peril. Debt exposure from large-scale projects can erode fiscal resilience if poorly managed. Fragmentation within Asean could weaken its collective bargaining power. Moreover, unchecked strategic competition risks turning Southeast Asia into a geopolitical battleground.

Moreover, the ultimate test of Asean’s strategic autonomy lies in its ability to transform from a rule-taker to a rule-shaper. Rather than oscillating between competing powers, Asean can leverage its collective weight to shape norms on trade, digital governance and sustainable development. Its convening power positions it to articulate the principles of a rebalanced world order, one that privileges dialogue over division and cooperation over confrontation.

Conclusion

The essence of South-South cooperation is not rivalry with the North but partnership among equals. Asean’s engagement with Brics+ and the BRI offers a chance to redefine globalization on more equitable terms. As the Global South rises, Asean’s centrality and unity will determine whether it remains a bystander or becomes a co-author of a new international order, one grounded in mutual prosperity, sustainability and shared destiny.

Source: The Manila Times
https://www.manilatimes.net/2025/10/25/opinion/columns/asean-crossroads-reimagining-south-south-cooperation-and-development-in-a-multipolar-world/2207946

Prof. Anna Rosario Malindog-Uy

Prof. Anna Rosario Malindog-Uy is a Ph.D. Candidate at the Institute of South-South Cooperation and Development (ISSCAD), Peking University, Beijing, China. Currently, she is a Senior Researcher of the South China Sea Probing Initiative (SCSPI) and a Senior Research Fellow of the Global Governance Institution (GGI). Prof. Anna Uy taught Political Science, International Relations, Development Studies, European Studies, Southeast Asia, and China Studies. She is a researcher-writer, academic, and consultant on a wide array of issues. She has worked as a consultant with the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and other local and international NGOs.