Drowning in corruption: Why PH must rise as one people

CORRUPTION is not just an issue of dirty money changing hands. It is a malignant force that robs livelihoods, drowns communities and erodes the very foundations of our Republic. Every peso pocketed by politicians is a classroom unbuilt, a hospital unequipped, a road unrepaired or a flood control project left defective or ghosted. The cost is not abstract. It is measured in lives lost, futures stolen and a nation’s dignity corroded.

The Philippines today sits at a critical juncture. Massive corruption is no longer whispered; it is lived daily. From overpriced infrastructure projects and pork-barrel scandals to ghost projects and kickbacks in flood control systems, the “crocodiles in power” have turned governance into their “milking cows” for their loyalty is only to plunder.

A nation rottingm at the core

The recent string of corruption exposés in the Philippines underscores an uncomfortable truth: corruption here is not episodic but systemic. Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index 2024 ranks the Philippines 115th out of 180 countries, a decline that has been steady over the past decade. Billions of pesos are lost yearly to procurement anomalies. A 2023 Commission on Audit report flagged around P124 billion in “deficiencies” across government agencies, including ghost projects, incomplete infrastructure and unjustified disbursements. This was in 2023, how much more in 2024 and today?

Moreover, even the day-to-day experience of business confirms the graft. The World Bank’s 2023 Enterprise Survey found that 8.3 percent of Philippine companies experienced at least one bribe request in routine transactions; 5.5 percent reported expectations of “gifts” in meetings with tax officials; and 7.3 percent to secure construction permits. These may look like small percentages on paper, but to a growing enterprise, they are a recurring tax with no receipt.

Flood control projects alone have become bottomless pits of graft. Reports revealed that billions earmarked for drainage and dike improvements were funneled into projects plagued with “overpricing,” “variations” and “emergency procurements” that conveniently avoided public bidding. Instead of protecting citizens from floods, these projects ended up flooding private pockets. The irony is bitter: while ordinary Filipinos stride chest-deep in floodwaters, politicians swim in illicit wealth.

The crocodile culture of power

Why does corruption persist so brazenly in the Philippines? The answer lies in culture, specifically, the culture of impunity. In other countries, public officials accused or even suspected of corruption resign immediately, not because they admit guilt, but because they understand that the office is bigger than the individual. In South Korea, presidents have been impeached and imprisoned. In Japan, Cabinet officials step down over even minor ethical lapses. In Iceland, the prime minister resigned in 2016 after being linked to the Panama Papers.

Contrast that with the Philippines. Clinging to office, even when the stench of corruption is overwhelming, is treated as a badge of honor. The cycle has remained unchanged: deny, deflect, delay and depend on dynastic power to shield accountability.

Public office in the Philippines has too often been treated as family property. Political dynasties control approximately 70 percent of Congress and around 80 percent of provincial governorships, turning entire regions into private fiefdoms. Under this feudal setup, corruption is not an aberration; it is the business model, a family franchise. How sad!

Trust betrayed, democracy hollowed

Public office is not personal property. It is a trust. And when that trust is broken, democracy itself is hollowed out. Corruption is not only theft. It is betrayal. It delegitimizes elections, distorts policies and drains the very lifeblood of democratic governance. What happens when leaders who are supposed to serve are instead plundering the nation? Citizens lose faith in the ballot, the rule of law collapses and social unrest brews.

The erosion of trust is visible. According to a 2024 Pulse Asia survey, 76 percent of Filipinos believe that corruption in government is “widespread and worsening.” That statistic is not just a number; it is a damning indictment of the failure of leadership in this administration. When trust collapses, the legitimacy of the state itself is endangered.

September 21: A date heavy with history

It is not accidental that calls for unity are resounding toward Sept. 21. On this date in 1972, Ferdinand Marcos Sr. declared martial law, inaugurating two decades of dictatorship marked by human rights abuses, censorship and plunder. Billions were stolen under the guise of “rebuilding the nation.” Half a century later, corruption still haunts us.

Sept. 21, once a symbol of fear and repression, is now being reclaimed as a day of resistance and reclaiming justice. It reminds us that silence and apathy empower tyranny. It calls us to reject the normalization of massive corruption in government and to demand accountability from those who exploit power as if it were their family inheritance.

A regional comparison: Why PH lags behind

The Philippines is not condemned to this fate. Our neighbors have shown that it is possible to fight corruption and build accountability. Singapore, plagued by corruption in the 1960s, established the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau, with real independence and teeth. Today, it ranks consistently as one of the least corrupt nations in the world. Vietnam, in recent years, has launched a sweeping “blazing furnace” anti-corruption campaign, punishing even politburo members and corporate titans.

What sets these countries apart is the political will, leaders who are willing to subordinate personal loyalty and dynastic privilege to institutional reform. The Philippines has the laws: the Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act, the Plunder Law and the Office of the Ombudsman. What it lacks is enforcement free from political interference. Laws without teeth are fig leaves covering rot. Only when corruption has real costs will the crocodiles hesitate before biting.

Unity as the antidote

Corruption not only bleeds government coffers. It bleeds us as a people. It fuels inequality, deepens poverty and keeps our children hostage to a stolen future.

The antidote is not cynicism but unity. We are Filipinos before we are partisans. A common flag, a common history and a common aspiration for justice bind us. This fight cannot be won by one sector alone. It demands students, workers, professionals, farmers, clergy, civil society, and even honest members of government and security forces to stand shoulder to shoulder.

Unity can move mountains through the collective courage of ordinary Filipinos. And this spirit can cleanse today’s Republic if channeled toward a demand for radical transparency, accountability, reform and even to the point of a reset or an overhaul.

The call to action

The call is clear: Magkaisa. Lumaban. Ipagtanggol ang Bayan!

We cannot allow this Republic to drown in corruption. The future of our children demands that we act, not next year, not after the next election, but now. Sept. 21 is more than a date; it is a reminder that silence is complicity.

We are not Filipinos for nothing. In a democracy, sovereignty resides not in Malacañang, but in the people. It is time to remind the crocodiles in power that we, the Filipino people, are supreme.

Laban, Pilipinas! Laban para sa kinabukasan ng bayan!

Let us go! Tara na! On Sept. 21, let us show our unity. Let us reclaim our Republic.

Source: The Manila Times
https://www.manilatimes.net/2025/09/20/opinion/columns/drowning-in-corruption-why-ph-must-rise-as-one-people/2187436

Prof. Anna Rosario Malindog-Uy

Prof. Anna Rosario Malindog-Uy is a Ph.D. Candidate at the Institute of South-South Cooperation and Development (ISSCAD), Peking University, Beijing, China. Currently, she is a Senior Researcher of the South China Sea Probing Initiative (SCSPI) and a Senior Research Fellow of the Global Governance Institution (GGI). Prof. Anna Uy taught Political Science, International Relations, Development Studies, European Studies, Southeast Asia, and China Studies. She is a researcher-writer, academic, and consultant on a wide array of issues. She has worked as a consultant with the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and other local and international NGOs.