Voting in dissent: The role of protest votes in 2025 midterm elections

AS the Philippines hurtles toward Monday, the May 12, 2025 midterm elections, the political atmosphere is thick with frustration, fear and fury. The electorate is not simply choosing candidates; it is weighing whether the ballot remains a tool of empowerment or a symbolic act of resistance and protest against the current regime in the Philippines. In a country reeling from mounting domestic failures, including rampant corruption, food insecurity, spiraling inflation, political decay, widespread unemployment, economic challenges and lawlessness because of an unstable peace and order situation, protest votes may well become the most potent form of political expression.

Likewise, the upcoming midterm elections cast a long shadow over the Philippines’ political landscape, introducing an added layer of uncertainty that amplifies the existing volatility. With 317 congressional seats and numerous local positions at stake, the elections will be pivotal in shaping the country’s immediate political future. However, the 12 Senate seats attract the most attention, given their critical role in the impeachment of Vice President Sara Duterte. These elections will not only determine the composition of Congress but also have far-reaching implications for the balance of power between the Marcos and Duterte political factions.

The potential outcome of the May 2025 elections could fundamentally alter the political dynamics, either paving the way for the strengthening and consolidation of power by the Marcos-Romualdez political alliance or shifting the balance in favor of the Duterte faction. Such shifts would have significant ramifications for the 2028 presidential elections, as the results may impact the political fortunes of both factions and influence who holds the reins of power in the years to come. As such, the May 2025 midterm elections are more than just a contest for legislative and local offices. They are decisive in the ongoing political struggle between and among powerful dynastic forces, each vying for greater influence and control over the nation’s future trajectory.

Moreover, as campaign periods conclude and the day of casting votes is just around the corner, the critical challenge for the Filipino electorate is whether the polls bring forth leaders committed to addressing the root causes of massive corruption, inequality and social injustice. Or will they merely reinforce the status quo, ensuring that the same political families and political interests dominate, leaving little room for genuine political and policy reforms? This question is not only about the outcome of the elections but about the future trajectory of Philippine democracy. The answers will have profound implications, potentially determining whether the country can move beyond its historical political entanglements and pave the way for a more just and inclusive society.

A nation in crisis

Indeed, no doubt, the Philippines today stands at a crossroads of disorder and disillusionment. The specter of authoritarianism has returned, not through declared martial law, but through a mix of impunity, surveillance and suppression. The rule of law appears increasingly selective and instrumentalized. The arrest of former president Rodrigo Duterte by the International Criminal Court, which holds no jurisdiction over the Philippines since its formal withdrawal in March 2019, marked a watershed moment that disregards Philippine sovereignty and independence, and is deaf to the sentiments of millions of Filipinos who credit Duterte with drastically reducing crime and instilling a stable peace and order situation during his time as president.

Hence, the Philippines finds itself at a historic juncture, beset by a convergence of internal and external crises that threaten its sovereignty, democratic institutions, and national interest and integrity. Under President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., the country has been thrust into a maelstrom of political instability, economic hardship and contentious governance decisions.

Adding fuel to public resentment are persistent and explosive allegations: unverified but widely circulated claims that Marcos’ alleged drug addiction continues to circulate across social media and alternative news platforms. The silence from Malacañang on the issue, coupled with an absence of transparency and accountability, has done little to extinguish public suspicion. In any functioning democracy, such claims, whether baseless or not, warrant investigation or, at the very least, an unequivocal denial, or, at the very least, for the President to take a hair follicle test to put down the allegation to rest. Instead, the administration’s strategy appears to be denial through omission.

Furthermore, curtailing freedom of expression, state-sponsored suppression or silencing critics, dissenters and social media bloggers who are not kowtowing to the current regime’s narratives on various issues are on the rise, evoking the darkest chapters of Philippine political history. All these mirror the signs of democratic decay seen in other failing democracies.

Simultaneously, the Marcos government’s celebrated economic and security alignments, particularly with the United States, have generated more symbolism than substance. These deals, often cloaked in strategic jargon, raise valid concerns about Philippine sovereignty and independence being bartered away in exchange for vague promises of economic development and deterrence, all while dragging the country deeper into the crosshairs of great power and geopolitical rivalries with little protection and no clear safeguards for the country’s national interests — preservation of national sovereignty and independence, peace and economic prosperity.

Conclusion

Indeed, in this climate of disillusionment, protest votes take on an urgent and revolutionary character. They are not merely expressions of preferences and no longer mere choices but acts of defiance and declarations of disgust. Each vote cast against the traditional political elite repudiates systemic failure, corruption and repression, and signals a collective yearning for alternatives outside the decaying current political establishment. These protest votes may not immediately overturn the legislative landscape or change the composition of the Senate or the House of Representatives drastically overnight, but they send a powerful message, a resounding verdict; that the people are watching, and they are not amused, that the Filipino public is neither blind nor compliant, and the farce of governance has not gone unnoticed.

Indeed, to vote in dissent is not to disengage from democracy but to reclaim it. The 2025 midterm elections are more than a referendum on individual candidates. They are a verdict on whether the people still believe in the current regime by consent, or whether they now see the political system as a rigged game played by a corrupt political elite in power, and are symptoms of a more profound crisis of leadership and legitimacy. Filipinos are tired of being told to choose between bad and worse. They want change. And if the ballot box is the only peaceful means left to demand it, then so be it. Hence, the protest vote is the sharpest weapon in the arsenal of a public pushed too far. Whether it can spark systemic reform or simply register public outrage remains to be seen. But one thing is certain: silence is no longer an option. And complicity is no longer invisible.

To my Filipino compatriots in and out of the country, a protest vote is not a wasted vote; it is a conscious act of resistance in an age of betrayal. For many Filipinos, it may be the only way left to scream through the silence imposed upon them.

Source: The Manila Times
https://www.manilatimes.net/2025/05/10/opinion/columns/voting-in-dissent-the-role-of-protest-votes-in-2025-midterm-elections/2110114

Prof. Anna Rosario Malindog-Uy

Prof. Anna Rosario Malindog-Uy is a Ph.D. Candidate at the Institute of South-South Cooperation and Development (ISSCAD), Peking University, Beijing, China. Currently, she is a Senior Researcher of the South China Sea Probing Initiative (SCSPI) and a Senior Research Fellow of the Global Governance Institution (GGI). Prof. Anna Uy taught Political Science, International Relations, Development Studies, European Studies, Southeast Asia, and China Studies. She is a researcher-writer, academic, and consultant on a wide array of issues. She has worked as a consultant with the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and other local and international NGOs.